Richard Cobden Quotes (29 Quotes)


    I am not accustomed to pay fulsome compliments to the English, by telling them that they are superior to all the world; but this I can say, that they do not deserve the name of cowards.

    The progress of freedom depends more upon the maintenance of peace, the spread of commerce, and the diffusion of education, than upon the labors of cabinets and foreign offices.

    At all events, arbitration is more rational, just, and humane than the resort to the sword.

    I believe it has been said that one copy of The Times contains more useful information than the whole of the historical works of Thucydides.

    This great oracle of the East India Company himself admits that, if there is no power vested in the Court of Directors but that of the patronage, there is really no government vested in them at all.


    I therefore declare, that if you wish any remission of the taxation which falls upon the homes of the people of England and Wales, you can only find it by reducing the great military establishments, and diminishing the money paid to fighting men in time of peace.

    I am no party man in this matter in any degree; and if I have any objection to the motion it is this, that whereas it is a motion to inquire into the manufacturing distress of the country, it should have been a motion to inquire into manufacturing and agricultural distress.

    I have sat on the army, navy, and ordnance committees, and I see no limit to the increase of our armaments under the existing system.

    I confess that for fifteen years my efforts in education, and my hopes of success in establishing a system of national education, have always been associated with the idea of coupling the education of this country with the religious communities which exist.

    For every credibility gap there is a gullibility gap.


    I have been particularly struck with the overwhelming evidence which is given as to the fitness of the natives of India for high offices and employments.

    People who eat potatoes will never be able to perform their abilities in whatever job they choose to have.

    For the progress of scientific knowledge will lead to a constant increase of expenditure.

    I should, therefore, be a hypocrite, if I were to say I have any particular repugnance to a system of education coupled with religious instruction.

    The problem to solve is, whether a single or a double government would be most advantageous; and, in considering that point, I am met by this difficulty - that I cannot see that the present form of government is a double government at all.

    Treaties of peace, made after war, are entrusted to individuals to negotiate and carry out.

    In Holland, they have come to precisely the same conclusion. There they have adopted a system of secular education, because they have found it impracticable to unite the religious bodies in any system of combined religious instruction.

    It has been one of my difficulties, in arguing this question out of doors with friends or strangers, that I rarely find any intelligible agreement as to the object of the war.

    Wars have ever been but another aristocratic mode of plundering and oppressing commerce.

    Let it never be forgotten that it is not by means of war that states are rendered fit for the enjoyment of constitutional freedom on the contrary, whilst terror and bloodshed reign in the land, involving men's minds in the extremities of hopes and fears, there can be no process of thought, no education going on, by which alone can a people be prepared for the enjoyment of rational liberty.

    But it is my happiness to be half Welsh, and that the better half.

    The landlords are not agriculturists; that is an abuse of terms which has been too long tolerated.

    I cannot separate the finances of India from those of England. If the finances of the Indian Government receive any severe and irreparable check, will not the resources of England be called upon to meet the emergency, and to supply the deficiency?

    From 1836, down to last year, there is no proof of the Government having any confidence in the duration of peace, or possessing increased security against war.

    I came here as a practical man, to talk, not simply on the question of peace and war, but to treat another question which is of hardly less importance - the enormous and burdensome standing armaments which it is the practice of modern Governments to sustain in time of peace.

    You may keep Turkey on the map of Europe, you may call the country by the name of Turkey if you like, but do not think you can keep up the Mahommedan rule in the country.

    On the contrary, all the world would point to that nation as violating a treaty, by going to war with a country with whom they had engaged to enter into arbitration.

    A newspaper should be the maximum of information, and the minimum of comment.


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